This autumn marks the fiftieth anniversary of the Second
Vatican Council and this week a major series of articles celebrating and
analysing its impact on the Catholic Church begins in The Tablet with a
leading Catholic historian’s reflections of the winds of change blowing
through Rome when bishops from 116 countries, more than the then United
Nations membership, gathered for the opening of the council on 11
October 1962.
In July 1960, Yves Congar, a renowned
Catholic expert in ecclesiology, felt that Vatican II “was coming 20
years too soon from the vantage point of theology and especially of
ecumenism”.
Many ideas had already changed, the French Dominican priest
acknowledged, but it would take another 20 years for bishops to mature
in ideas developed from Scripture and tradition to attain “a missionary
awareness and a sense of pastoral realism”.
But ready or not,
the world’s Catholic bishops arrived in Rome two years later to debate
and vote at the in many ways unprecedented church council that Pope John
XXIII had announced on 25 January 1959.
Today, 50 years after
the opening of Vatican II on 11 October 1962, we may still wonder why
the council happened when it did. John XXIII consistently maintained
that his desire for a council was the product of an inspiration. The
idea came to him, he said, “like a flash of heavenly light”.
While
accepting his statement as truthful, we can still point to developments
in the first half of the twentieth century that made the Church ripe
for Vatican II. I shall consider only three: the emergence of a modern
global Church embedded in a new world arising out of the ashes of the
Second World War; the willingness at the highest levels of the Church’s
hierarchy to consider convoking a council; and a growing Catholic
commitment to ecumenism.
Vatican II was the first truly global
council of the Catholic Church, “quite possibly”, John O’Malley remarked
in What Happened at Vatican II (2008), “the biggest meeting in the
history of the world”. European bishops and theologians certainly were
the most influential at the council yet the gathering in Rome of bishops
from 116 countries showed that a global Church was coming of age,
albeit at a time of global crisis when the Cold War remained a worrisome
source of instability. The Berlin Wall, the architectural symbol of the
Cold War, went up in 1961. A few days after the council opened, the
Cuban Missile Crisis began to unfold, bringing the world to the brink of
a nuclear war.
The Cold War intersected with a concurrent global
development – decolonisation – as the United States and Soviet Union
jockeyed for influence in emerging independent states primarily in Asia
and Africa, the beneficiaries of the erosion of European imperialism
after the Second World War. After the independence of India and Pakistan
in 1947 and of Indonesia in 1949, decolonisation gained momentum in the
1950s and 1960s.
In the year that the council opened, Uganda,
Algeria, Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago achieved
independence. A week after the third session of Vatican II came to an
end, the thirty-eighth Eucharistic Congress opened in Bombay on 28
November 1964. This was the first time a Eucharistic Congress was held
in Asia: a sign of the Church’s life in an emerging new world order.
Latin
American states had already achieved independence in the nineteenth
century. The history of the Church’s engagement with these countries and
their societies is a complex one, but in various ways Catholicism
exercised considerable social influence. In 1955, the episcopal
conferences of Latin America joined together to form an episcopal
conference for the entire region, known by its acronym Celam. Pope Pius
XII recognised Celam in the same year and established the Pontifical
Commission for Latin America in 1958. At Vatican II, the bishops of
Celam demonstrated effective organisation and cohesion.
Readiness
for a church council was to some extent evident in the Church’s
hierarchy, and in particular in the Roman Curia, without whose resources
the preparation for, and the managing, of Vatican II would have been
impossible. Only a few bishops who received in 1959 an invitation from
the Holy See to recommend topics for Vatican II to consider had received
in 1923 a letter from Pope Pius XI canvassing opinions about the
suitability of holding a church council in 1925.
Although 90 per
cent of the more than 1,000 respondents favoured a council, Pope Pius
abandoned the idea in 1924. In February 1948, Cardinal Ernesto Ruffini,
the Archbishop of Palermo, urged Pope Pius XII to summon a council.
Ruffini had the support of an assessor at the Holy Office, Mgr Alfredo
Ottaviani, who became a cardinal in 1953. In 1959, John XXIII appointed
Ottaviani Secretary of the Holy Office, the predecessor of the
Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.
In March 1948,
Ottaviani, authorised by Pius XII, convened a special secret committee
within the Holy Office of seven other clerics – six priests and the
titular bishop of Aela, Alois (Luigi) Hudal, now infamous for his
involvement in the so-called “ratline” that helped Nazi war criminals
escape Europe after 1945. Other members joined the committee in 1949,
when it became a central commission whose ultimate goal would have been
to coordinate the work of several commissions in preparation for a
council.
The commission developed a series of themes that a
council should address. It proposed the condemnation of many modern
errors, such as existentialism and ecumenism. Some themes anticipated
important commitments embraced at Vatican II, such as a vernacular
liturgy, the formation of priests, the lay apostolate and Catholic
education.
One of the committee members drafted his own ideas for
conciliar business. Sebastiaan Tromp, a Dutch Jesuit theologian, in a
presentation in July 1948 to the cardinals of the Holy Office, wondered,
among other things, whether it would be advisable to ordain permanent
deacons free of the obligation of celibacy.
Although the central
commission met for the last time in 1951 and Pius XII decided against
holding a council, the flirting with the idea of a council is
historically significant. The promulgation of papal infallibility in
1870 at Vatican I, a possible argument against the need for any further
councils, did not deter two popes and their closest collaborators from
pondering the need of a such a gathering.
Although Vatican II
issued no dogmatic condemnations, it did pursue some of the themes
proposed in 1949. Ottaviani and Ruffini were powerful forces at Vatican
II, even if they often disagreed with the majority of bishops. Tromp
served faithfully under Ottaviani, first as the secretary of the
Preparatory Theological Commission for Vatican II (1960-62) and then as
the secretary of the council’s Doctrinal Commission. His question about
the permanent diaconate became a reality in Lumen Gentium, Vatican II’s
Dogmatic Constitution on the Church.
Ecumenism was part of the
programme of Vatican II from the outset. In his announcement of 25
January 1959, at the end of the Week of Prayer for Christian Unity, John
XXIII invited “the faithful of the separated communities to participate
with us in this quest for unity and grace, for which so many souls long
in all parts of the world”. By adopting the Decree on Ecumenism in
November 1964, the Council Fathers officially converted the Roman
Catholic Church from a sceptical outsider of the ecumenical movement to
one of its leading proponents.
Modern ecumenism began in the
nineteenth century. Protestants spearheaded the movement to bring about
unity among Christians. Large international ecumenical gatherings
convened in the twentieth century, beginning with the Edinburgh
Missionary Conference in 1910. Delegates at the Faith and Order
conference in Edinburgh in 1937 supported the creation of the World
Council of Churches, which took shape in 1948.
The Holy See
initially looked with suspicion on the ecumenical movement. Pius XI’s
encyclical, Mortalium Animos (1928), represented the most emphatic
prohibition of Catholic participation in ecumenical meetings, the
product of “a most serious error”. An instruction of the Holy Office of
1949 relaxed previous strictures, however, allowing Catholics to gather
with other Christians for ecumenical purposes, provided they had “the
prior approval of the competent ecclesiastical authority”.
But a
sincere Catholic interest in ecumenism had long been in evidence in some
quarters of the Church. Pope Pius X welcomed the Octave of Prayer for
Christian Unity, initiated in 1908 by the Episcopalian Fr Paul Wattson, a
year before he and the Franciscan Friars and Sisters of the Atonement
entered into full communion with the Church. In 1921, the Belgian
Cardinal, Désiré-Joseph Mercier, initiated informal discussions between
Anglican and Catholic theologians in Mechelen to seek ways towards
unity. The discussions lasted until 1927. Two years later, the
pioneering German Jesuit ecumenist, Max Pribilla, published his book on
Church unity. Congar, a committed ecumenist, articulated “principles of a
Catholic ecumenism” in Chrétiens désunis (1937).
A year after
the publication of Congar’s book, the German Catholic priest Max Josef
Metzger founded the Una Sancta ecumenical fellowship of prayer and
study. This fellowship gave many German Christians a sense of solidarity
in opposition to the Nazi dictatorship, which executed Metzger in 1944.
Immediately after the Second World War, Una Sancta, as a grass-roots
ecumenical movement, spread in Germany and attracted the support of
Archbishop Lorenz Jaeger of Paderborn, who in 1957 founded an institute
for ecumenical studies that still thrives today. He contributed to the
creation in 1960 of the Holy See’s Secretariat for Christian Unity, a
major force for promoting ecumenism at Vatican II.
Reflecting on
an ecumenical ceremony at which Pope Paul VI addressed with affection
the non-Catholic observers to the council on 4 December 1965, just
before the closing of Vatican II, Congar wondered: “Who would have
thought it was possible five years ago?”
As surprising as
Vatican II seemed 50 years ago, it cannot be classified as a historical
accident, as it were. More can and must be said about other developments
that made Vatican II conceivable, such as Rome’s interest in closer
ties with Orthodoxy, the liturgical movement, and the evolving
contribution of the laity to the life of the Church. Greater familiarity
with the background to the council will surely increase the
appreciation of its significance within the history and life of the
Church.
* Hilmar M. Pabel is professor of history at Simon Fraser
University, Burnaby, British Columbia, and co-editor with Kathleen
Comerford of Early Modern Catholicism: essays in honour of John W.
O’Malley (University of Toronto Press).