Martina recounted the events of the Dublin lock-out of 1913
accusing the Catholic clergy of objecting to a trade union plan to send
the children of striking workers to England to their fellow trade
unionists.
It certainly was the case that priests campaigned against the
children of the Dublin tenements being transported to England for the
duration; it was true, too, that there was apprehension that the
children might lose their faith (and perhaps pick up Bolshevik ideas)
while lodging with English socialists.
But history is usually more complex than it is painted by any
black-and-white picture, whoever is doing the painting. I have read
Republican histories of Ireland and they are too black-and-white in
their portrayal of the ‘Brits’, and even of Irish Protestants
(characterised as ‘spies’ if they retained any allegiance to the Crown).
I have read British histories of Ireland which have been too
black-and-white in the sense of virtually ignoring the problems of
Ireland – or, indeed, blaming Irish republicanism on the ‘Fenianism’ of
the Catholic clergy.
I have read Unionist histories and biographies –
I’ve done a fair amount of research on the life of Edward Carson – which
are, similarly, very black-and-white about the ‘treachery’ and
‘disloyalty’ of the native Irish, who ‘stabbed them in the back’ as
Ulstermen were fighting on the Somme.
Trust me: and distrust any black-and-white portrayal of anything that
happened in the past.
(Some British historians of the black-and-white
school of thinking are now trying to blame the Germans exclusively for
the outbreak of the Great War in 1914: thankfully, some others, with a
more nuanced understanding, are bringing out the complexities of Serbian
nationalism allied to Russian pan-Slavism which were also part of the
explosive mix.)
The 1913 lock-out was complex: and the clergy’s role in not wanting
the children to be sent away was a mixture of faith values, a strong
sense of family and kinship, and a sort of national pride.
(During the
Famine, some of the hierarchy such as Archbishop MacHale, proudly
refused funds to help feed the starving on the grounds that “we can look
after ourselves, thank you”.)
Mind you, if the clergy had agreed to shipping the children
off to Manchester and Birmingham in 1913, they’d now be accused of
heartlessly exporting the children to strangers.
It is wrong, too, to claim that the clergy cared nothing for the poor
of Dublin, or the working men and women.
It was the priests who
effectively stopped the dreadful practice of paying dockers their wages
in the pubs in the 1900s – whereby the brewers and distillers virtually
controlled the men’s wages, and encouraged them, too, to spend their
money on drink.
Anyone who writes anything about a historical event should have the words ‘it’s complicated’ first imprinted on their brain.