The 67 million Catholics in the United States represent a
theoretically powerful political bloc, though their impact is often
splintered by internal divisions.
If anything could elicit a unified
front, however, perhaps it might be the realization that American
foreign policy has effectively imposed a death sentence on the Catholic
church in a small but symbolically important country, one that functions
as a bellwether for the possibility of peaceful coexistence everywhere.
That, at least, is the dream of Auxiliary Bishop Pero Sudar of
Sarajevo, a 61-year-old prelate who’s become the leading public voice of
Bosnia and Herzegovina’s beleaguered Catholic minority.
The 1992-1995 Bosnian War that followed the breakup of the old
Yugoslavia was one of the most shocking and symbolically charged
conflicts of the post-Cold War era. A country long seen as a model for
inter-religious harmony, where Muslims, Orthodox and Catholics lived
side by side in peace, suddenly exploded into sectarian bloodshed.
The
1995 Srebrenica massacre offered a new metaphor for genocide, and the
upheaval in Bosnia reintroduced the concepts of “ethnic cleansing,” “war
crimes” and “humanitarian intervention” into popular consciousness.
Today, the fate of Bosnia and Herzegovina is widely seen as a litmus
test not only for the stability the Balkans and southeastern Europe, but
any region where people of differing religious and ethnic backgrounds
share the same real estate.
In that context, Sudar charges that the United States has put the
survival of Bosnia’s Catholic community at risk, and thus the vision of
Bosnia as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society.
In a Feb. 9 interview with NCR, Sudar appealed to American
Catholics to demand that the U.S. government rethink the framework
imposed by the 1995 Dayton Accords. In effect, the Dayton agreement
sanctioned the division of Bosnia into two separate entities: the
Republika Srpska, dominated by the Serbian Orthodox, and the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, now largely under the control of Bosnian
Muslims.
Sudar says Dayton’s basic message is that “there’s room in the
country only for two peoples, not for three” – with the odd man out
being the Catholics.
The impact has been dramatic.
In 1992, there were almost a million
Catholics in Bosnia and Herzegonia, the vast majority ethnic Croatians,
representing almost 20 percent of the country’s population.
Today Sudar
says there are only 460,000 left, meaning the Catholic presence has been
cut in half, and most of those who remain are considering exit
strategies. Sudar predicted that Croatia’s entry into the European
Union, set for this July, will further exacerbate the exodus.
Church leaders, Sudar said, are trying to resist this tide.
“We have to make our contribution to the healing of society,” Sudar
said. “Catholics have a mission and a vocation in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.”
Realistically, however, he predicted that unless the situation changes on the ground, it’s likely to be a losing argument.
“Without a real sense of coexistence, Bosnia and Herzegovina will
remain a very serious threat to global security,” he said, adding that
he believes the key decisions about Bosnia’s future aren’t made by its
own leaders but by the American ambassador. (Since 2010, the U.S.
ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina has been Patrick S. Moon, a career
foreign service professional originally from Oklahoma City.)
“We need a change in the political attitude of the United States,”
Sudar said. “If the Catholic church in America can give voice to that
need, it would truly be an enormous help.”
Sudar, 61, was born in a small Bosnian village during the Communist
era that was roughly half Catholic and half Muslim, and he says there
were few religious tensions because Muslims and Catholics found
themselves in the same boat vis-à-vis an oppressive regime.
Up until the
war, he said, that spirit still prevailed, with Muslim and Catholic
seminaries exchanging faculty to teach courses in each other’s creeds.
Today, however, Sudar soberly charged that religious and ethnic
tensions in Bosnia are, if anything, “more intense than immediately
after the war” – a result, he charged of the “unjust” situation imposed
by Dayton, along with a dysfunction economy and general stagnation.
Sudar was named auxiliary bishop of Sarajevo in May 1993, at the peak
of what’s believed to be the longest siege of a capital city in the
history of warfare.
In that environment, Sudar emerged not only as
beacon of hope for the Catholic minority, but a leading force for
national reconciliation. He pioneered the creation of a series of
“Schools for Europe,” bringing together Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim
students. It’s one of the few venues where members of those groups mix
freely.
“Our hope is that after attending one of our schools, the Muslims
become better Muslims, the Catholics better Catholics, the Orthodox
better Orthodox, and so on,” Sudar said. “If so, they’ll also be better
citizens who can help construct a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and
multi-cultural country.”