Background: Damning reports brought relations with the Vatican to an all-time low.
Benedict
XVI’s papacy came at a time of worsening relations between Ireland and
the Vatican as the State deepened its investigations into clerical child
abuse in the Catholic church.
The church’s response was found
wanting as new light was cast on a legacy of brutal sexual violence
against children and systematic cover-ups, sapping its moral authority
and blunting its political influence.
A nadir was reached two
years ago in the wake of the Cloyne report, when Taoiseach Enda Kenny
castigated the Vatican in a Dáil speech for its “brazen disregard” for
child protection.
Accusing it of downplaying or “managing” the
rape and torture of children in order to uphold its own power and
reputation, he said the report excavated the “dysfunction,
disconnection, elitism, the narcissism” dominating Vatican culture.
‘Opposite of compassion’
“Far
from listening to evidence of humiliation and betrayal with St
Benedict’s ‘ear of the heart’, the Vatican’s reaction was to parse and
analyse it with the gimlet eye of a canon lawyer,” he said, “this
calculated, withering position being the polar opposite of the
radicalism, humility and compassion upon which the Roman Church was
founded.”
No Irish leader had ever spoken in such terms.
Relations
between church and State reached a historic low.
Rome’s decision to
recall the papal nuncio and the closure of Ireland’s embassy to the Holy
See only emphasised the sense of discord.
There was more.
When
Kenny joined other European leaders in an audience with Benedict last
September, he was seen fidgeting with his mobile phone.
It was hardly
his finest hour, but resonated as an exemplar of changed relations.
All
of this is a world away from the deference of old, which continued long
after the clause recognising the “special position” of the church was
removed from the Constitution in 1972.
It also underlined a perceptible diminution in the church’s power to sway political debate.
When
the Catholic hierarchy urged Kenny last month to rethink steps to
legislate for limited abortion, his Government insisted it would
proceed.
Fine Gael TDs are far from united on the initiative and
there are clear divisions with Labour over its scope.
The fact remains,
however, that the Coalition remains wedded to the plan. It’s all a far
cry from the church’s domination of the abortion debate 30 years ago.
Public
revulsion at the abuse scandal was well entrenched by the time Benedict
became pope in 2005 after the death of Pope John Paul II. John Paul,
who had visited Ireland in 1979, remained a popular figure even as a
litany of violence and neglect within church orders emerged from the
shadows.
Dublin’s growing frustration with the inadequate response from Rome was evident before Kenny took power.
Responding
to the 2009 Murphy report on the Dublin archdiocese, then taoiseach
Brian Cowen described as a “crushing verdict” the finding that the
standing of the church as an institution was placed above the safety of
children.
Cloyne report
Two years later,
the Cloyne report accused the Vatican of giving comfort to dissenters
within the church to the Irish bishops’ procedures for handling child
sexual abuse.
The report also revealed that in a secret letter to
the bishops, the Vatican had described the 1996 rules as “merely a study
document”.
This was the backdrop to Kenny’s withering speech in
the Dáil, which drew a 25-page response from the Vatican several weeks
later.
The Vatican described as “unfounded” the Taoiseach’s claim that
it attempted to frustrate an inquiry into abuse “as little as three
years” previously.
It also maintained the report produced “no
evidence” to support the claim that a letter to the bishops undermined
the implementation of child protection guidelines.
But the
Government would not back down.
In a statement, it said the speech
accurately reflected the anger of the overwhelming majority of Irish
people “at the failure of the Catholic Church in Ireland and the Holy
See to deal adequately with clerical child sexual abuse”.