Tensions between the Ukrainian government
and the Moscow-affiliated Ukrainian Orthodox Church remain high, after
the termination of a lease agreement saw government forces attempt to
evict the Church from an historic monastery in Kyiv shortly before
Easter, leading to tense scenes during the liturgical feast, celebrated
last Sunday in most Ukrainian Churches.
For
decades, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate
(UOC-MP) had held a lease from Ukraine’s government, giving it the use
of large portions of the monastery complex at the National Kyiv-Cave
Historical Cultural Preserve, part of a UNESCO world heritage site.
But
in January, the government refused to renew the UOC-MP’s lease on the
upper part of the monastery, which is known as the Lavra, or “Cave
Monastery.”
The Ukrainian Ministry of
Culture instead offered a lease for the upper Lavra to the Orthodox
Church of Ukraine (OCU), the autocephalous Church recognized by the
Patriarch of Constantinople, but not Moscow.
On
March 29, the government moved to terminate the UOC-MP’s indefinite
lease on the lower part of the Lavra, and ordered UOC-MP monks to
vacate the premises — which they refused to do, filing an appeal with
the local courts.
Matters escalated on
April 1, when Ukrainian security services charged UOC-MP Abbot Pavlo
Lebid with inciting religious hatred, and placed him under house
arrest.
April 16, the day on which both
Eastern Orthodox Churches celebrated Easter this year, saw a heavy
presence of Ukrainian security forces at the Lavra, who checked the
identification of worshipers and conducted searches.
While
the UOC-MP remained in the lower level of the monastery, the OCU
celebrated in the Lavra’s main level, the first time Easter had been
celebrated by the Church in the monastery, and the first time the feast
had been marked there with a liturgy in the Ukrainian language, rather
than in Russian.
The
tense Easter celebrations were the latest chapter in an emerging
conflict between government forces and the UOC-MP, after Ukrainian
security services began alleging last year that UOC-MP clergy have
spread pro-Moscow propaganda in Ukraine since the Russian invasion began
last year.
The Ministry of Culture’s
termination of the UOC-MP’s lease agreements at the Lavra has been
widely seen as another step in restricting the activities of the
Russian-affiliated church, after several representatives of the UOC-MP
took part in October events in Moscow at which Russia’s President
Vladimir Putin announced the annexation of some occupied Ukrainian
territories.
Immediately afterward,
President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine imposed sanctions on
high-ranking ministers of the UOC-MP — some were charged with
anti-Ukrainian activities and collaboration, and are now under
investigation.
In November last year,
government forces raided the Lavra and seized Russian passports,
pro-Moscow literature, and $100,000 in cash.
Raids
at other UOC-MP monasteries have turned up what security services have
called “books of xenophobic content with offensive fictions about other
nationalities and religions.”
“The
pamphlets found deny Ukraine's right to independence and emphasize that
Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus ‘cannot be divided,” according to
government briefings.
The notion that Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia are intractably unified under Moscow's leadership is part of the Russkiy-mir worldview
espoused by Putin and endorsed by Moscow’s Patriarch Kirill, who has
primacy over the Russian Orthodox Church and the affiliated UOC-MP.
The Russkiy-mir worldview
holds that the “Russian world” covers almost the whole of Eastern
Europe, and that Moscow has a historic right and obligation to exercise
influence over the region.
It has formed
part of the philosophical basis of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and
been a central part of Russian propaganda emphasizing a claimed cultural
and historic unity of Russian and Ukrainian people.
At
the beginning of December, President Volodymyr Zelensky announced a
crackdown on the operation of Moscow-affiliated Orthodox churches in the
country, promising bill in the legislature that would see Ukrainians
face “personal, economic, and restrictive sanctions,” for continued
religious activity overseen by Moscow.
Complicating
the issue is the position of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, which has
moved in to claim the premises previously occupied by the UOC-MP at the
Lavra monastery.
Since the beginning of
2023, the OCU has received permits to make use in the upper part of the
monastery complex, most of which is occupied by a state museum.
But
the OCU has also called on the monks of the UOC-MP to move into a newly
created Kyiv-Pechersk monastery of the OCU, and for them to elect a new
abbot from among the members of their own community. To date, only one
of them, Archimandrite Avraamiy Lotysh, has decided to take this step.
In
the meantime, state authorities have refrained from forcibly evicting
the UOC-MP monks, and emphasized that the termination of their lease at
the landmark site does not mean that the monastery will be liquidated.
Officially
on the sidelines of the dispute is the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church,
but local leaders and lay faithful alike remain deeply invested in the
standoff at one of the centers of the country’s Christian history and
life.
The Kyiv Cave Monastery has always
been an important pilgrimage site not only for Orthodox Christians but
also for Christians of every denomination in Ukraine. According to the
head of the UGCC, Major Archbishop Sviatoslav Shevchuk, Ukrainian Greek
Catholics, as citizens of Ukraine, are deeply invested in the future of
the Lavra because it is “a common shrine of the Ukrainian people,” even
if the Catholic community does not claim the right to hold services in
its churches.
While Ukrainian Catholics
report generally positive attitudes to restricting the activities of the
UOC-MP in Ukraine, they also have reservations that as the UOC-MP is
deprived of its privileged status, the OCU may take its place as a kind
of de facto national Church, instead of a fair treatment of all Churches
by the state.
According to Rev. Nazar
Zatorsky, a priest of the Ukrainian Greek Eparchy of St. Volodymyr
centered in Paris, who currently serves in UGCC parishes in Switzerland,
today's tensions around the Lavra ultimately have roots in the unfair
treatment of Christian denominations by the Ukrainian state authorities
in the past.
“The UOC-MP presents the
situation as if it is being expelled from its premises. In fact, the
Kyiv Cave Monastery is owned by the state, and the UOC-MP had the
monastery complex in its use only because the Ukrainian government had
previously elevated it above other Ukrainian Churches in every way
possible and granted it various advantages,” he told The Pillar.
According
to Fr. Zatorsky, the situation changed after the appearance of the OCU
on the religious map in 2018, and received official recognition of its
status as an independent Orthodox Church from the Patriarch of
Constantinople in 2019.
Since then,
according to Fr. Zatorsky, the state has shifted its institutional favor
to the OCU over the UOC-MP, whose hierarchs have repeatedly
demonstrated a pro-Russian position, in addition to ecclesiastical
ties.
“We are not talking about persecution here,” he told The Pillar, “but only the deprivation of preferences and the status of a semi-official state Church which [the UOC-MP] used to enjoy.”
“For
the past 30 years, the UOC-MP has been a state-protected Church, which
contributed to the spread of its network throughout Ukraine, and the
hierarchs of the UOC-MP were quite satisfied with this situation.”
“The
real question now,” he said, “is whether the UOC-MP can exist in
conditions of interdenominational competition, on a par with other
denominations without state patronage.”
“The aggressive protests of its hierarchs indicate that they themselves have serious doubts about this," said Zatorsky.
This assessment is shared by the Synkellos for Monastic Affairs of the Lviv Archeparchy of the UGCC, Fr. Justyn Boyko, MSU.
According
to Boyko, the UOC-MP has enjoyed special treatment from the state for
many years. This included the transfer of the premises Lavra for the
Church’s indefinite use when pro-Russian politician Mykola Azarov headed
the Ukrainian government.
At the same time, Fr. Boyko told The Pillar, the UOC-MP believed it could dispose of this property at its discretion.
“They
did whatever they wanted there. They violated everything that could be
violated. Sooner or later, someone had to bring it all back to the legal
system. It is quite good that we are talking about returning to the
principle of equality of all churches before the state. From the state's
point of view, I support these things,” said Boyko.
Boyko
also says that, as far as he knows, the UOC-MP does not have nearly as
many monks at the site as it has claimed. While the Church’s leadership
have repeatedly stated that the monastery is home to about 200 monks,
according to Fr. Boyko many are actually hired workers who have been
given permission to wear monastic clothes during their stay in the
monastery.
“It's almost impossible to
distinguish who is a monk and who is not,” said Boyko. “This levels the
whole idea of monasticism as such.”
Though,
he added, “with the monks who are there, monks in the true sense of the
word, it will always be possible to find a way out of the situation.
Because even though the Kyiv Cave Monastery will remain a museum, it is
Ukraine's spiritual center, and prayer should continue there.”
“But
now, the time has come when it is vital to allow different
denominations to pray at these holy places, including the Greek Catholic
Church. It is also the Church of St. Volodymyr's baptism, and the Kyiv
Cave Monastery is one of the centers of the spirituality of Kievan Rus,”
he said.
“We, as [Catholic] monks, also
feel like heirs to this tradition of St. Anthony and Theodosius of the
Caves, especially the Studite monks of the UGCC. Because the Studite
charter was the charter of the Kyiv Cave Monastery.”
According
to Fr. Boyko, the situation around the monastery is an inevitable
result of an untenable position taken by the UOC-MP’s leadership
“Why?
Because when the Moscow Patriarchate supported Russia's war against
Ukraine, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate
decided to sit back,” he explained.
In
May, the UOC-MP held a solemn governing meeting called a “sobor,” at
which Church leaders eliminated all reference to Moscow in the Church’s
governing statutes. But the move turned out to be mostly symbolic, as
the UOC-MP’s laws which identified Moscow as the source of its communion
with Orthodox Churches remained.
Boyko told The Pillar
that “many priests and monks, and bishops, have cooperated with the
occupiers. Society is not blind, and it sees this. And now society has
taken this matter into its own hands.”
Since Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine last year, dozens of Orthodox parishes in Ukraine have disaffiliated from hierarchy connected to Moscow, moving from the UOC-MP to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine.
“I
hope that the healthy forces in this Church will come to their senses
and finally respond to the call of Patriarch Bartholomew of
Constantinople to unite Orthodoxy in Ukraine,” Boyko said.
“The
leadership of the UOC-MP want to be seen as martyrs and confessors of
the faith. But I am convinced that this is not their style at all. They
fled from the Lavra, leaving ordinary monks and priests there. They are
not ready to endure persecution, let alone live in poverty,” Boyko said.
“These are people who are used to living in great luxury. They are
shocked that they are losing their estates, not that they are losing a
place of worship.”
For his part, Eduard
Berdnyk, a Ph.D. candidate at the Ukrainian Catholic University,
expressed reservations about the future of the Lavra to The Pillar.
For Berdnyk, the loss of the UOC-MP’s monopoly position at the shrine raises questions about the monastery’s future form.
“The
UOC-MP, in my opinion, should not have this exclusive right, this
monopoly on historical heritage, on historical shrines. Moreover, they
used this property with numerous violations of the terms of the
contract.”
“But,” he said, “there is
also a challenge here: How will it be realized now? Will it be
transferred to another church on the same terms and according to the
same principle, or not?”
Berdnyk said he
doubts whether the activities of the UOC-MP can be banned in Ukraine for
their connection with the Russian Orthodox Church, as this connection
is part of their religious identity. Therefore, the state authorities'
specific actions could qualify as religious persecution.
To
prevent that situation, Berdnyk believes, the state must emphasize that
it is not an abstract spiritual connection with Russia that is the
problem, but rather active collaboration. The state needs to identify
and publicize specific examples of crimes committed by particular
representatives of the Church in order to justify its actions.
“It
is problematic that the UOC-MP is identified with its bishops, with its
priests, and, accordingly, with collaboration. While this might seem
understandable, it is a great simplification, which, even during the
war, I wonder whether we can afford,” Berdnyk said.
“I
would very much like the state to work on identifying collaborators,
condemning specific cases, even investigating every bishop from the
UOC-MP for collaboration. If there were such cases, I would like to see
criminal proceedings and sentences passed. And from what I know, there
were such cases. But I would like to see this hard work done by the
state.”
Berdnyk was born and raised in
Kryvyi Rih in eastern Ukraine, where the UOC-MP holds a dominant
position. He said he also doubts that the activities of this Church can
be restricted throughout the country.
“Now in several western regions there are almost no active UOC-MP communities left,” he told The Pillar.
“But if we talk, for example, about cities such as Kryvyi Rih, where
the Moscow Patriarchate owns most of the parishes in the city and they
remain the basis of the city's religious life and other denominations
have few churches there, what can we do?"
Berdnyk is also critical of the OCU’s response to the state's actions against the UOC-MP.
In
his opinion, despite restrained statements of the OCU leadership at the
lower level, there is a desire among its senior ranks to turn the
situation to their advantage.
“It seems to me that they are behaving the way the UOC-MP would behave if they were in the same position,” Berdnyk told The Pillar.
“They are pushing the state to act. They behave like a mirror image.
And these mirror actions are an attempt to make up for the previous
years when everything was the other way around.”
Ksenia
Pidopryhora is a member of St. Demetrius parish in Kharkiv, eastern
Ukraine, which joined the UGCC a few years ago and before that had been
part of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church.
She told The Pillar that “As a trend, I like what is happening at the Kyiv Cave Monastery."
“I
don't understand why this did not happen at least from the beginning of
the full-scale invasion. Given that the Lavra building never belonged
to the Moscow Patriarchate, this should have been done long ago.”
On
the other hand, Pidopryhora expressed surprise that the state seems to
be handing effective control of the Lavra from one Orthodox Church to
another.
"It is also strange that the
Orthodox Church of Ukraine has so quickly oriented itself and said,
‘Yes, this is our Lavra now because we are the most Orthodox of the
Orthodox after the Russian Orthodox Church’” she said.
“In
my opinion, it would be necessary, first of all, to discuss all this
with other Churches in Ukraine. I know that in Ukraine, there are joint
meetings of all religious communities and Churches [ the All-Ukrainian
Council of Churches and Religious Organizations].”
“The
fact that the OCU quickly created its own monastery there looks a bit
like raiding,” Pidopryhora said. “It looks like pride and arrogance.”
“I
would like to see the Council of Churches of Ukraine discuss this,
because if it belongs to the state, then perhaps different Churches and
religious organizations in Ukraine could have services there,”
Pidopryhora said. “If the state grants the right to lease, why can't it
be a common shrine with more broad access? We do not have a state
church.”
“As a person who grew up with
the UAOC and is now a Greek Catholic, I want unity. I do not yet see the
same desire from my Orthodox friends,” said Pidopryhora. “But this
could be a chance for a precedent where we could see how ready everyone
is to negotiate and start creating this mutual understanding and trust
right now.”